Thomas Jefferson closely followed European ideas and later incorporated some of the ideals of the Enlightenment into the Declaration of Independence One of his peers, James Madisonincorporated these ideals into the United States Constitution during its framing in
For all regimes, growth expectations assume moderately competent population, otherwise go straight to 4. Re-running the race to ruin Liberals are baffled and infuriated that poor whites vote Republican, yet voting on tribal grounds is a feature of all multi-ethnic democracies, whether [in] Northern Ireland, Lebanon or Iraq.
Will it happen here [in the UK]? The patterns are not dissimilar. In the election the Conservatives won only 16 per cent of the ethnic minority vote, while Labour won the support of 72 per cent of Bangladeshis, 78 per cent of African-Caribbeans and 87 per cent of Africans.
The Tories are slightly stronger among British Hindus and Sikhs — mirroring Republican support among Asian-Americans — who are more likely to be home-owning professionals and feel less alienated.
Vast structures of historical irony shape his writings, at times even engulfing them. How otherwise could a proponent of traditional configurations of social order — a self-proclaimed Jacobite — compose a body of work that is stubbornly dedicated to subversion? This can be seen, most tellingly, in his chosen name for the usurped enlightenment, the dominant faith of the modern world: This is a word that he appropriates and capitalizes within a reactionary diagnosis whose entire force lies in its exposure of an exorbitant particularity.
Moldbug turns continually to history or, more rigorously, cladisticsto accurately specify that which asserts its own universal significance whilst ascending to a state of general dominance that approaches the universal.
The route that it has taken, through England and New England, Reformation and Revolution, is recorded by an accumulation of traits that provide abundant material for irony, and for lower varieties of comedy.
Yet, as the Cathedral extends and tightens its grip upon everything, everywhere, in accordance with its divine mandate, the response it triggers is only atypically humorous. More commonly, when unable to exact humble compliance, it encounters inarticulate rage, or at least uncomprehending, smoldering resentment, as befits the imposition of parochial cultural dogmas, still wrapped in the trappings of a specific, alien pedigree, even as they earnestly confess to universal rationality.
Or denied that, in these words, reason and evidence are explicitly set aside, to make room for principles of faith? Could anything be less scientific than such a declaration, or more indifferent to the criteria of genuinely universal reasoning?
How could anybody who was not already a believer be expected to consent to such assumptions? That the founding statement of the democratic-republican creed should be formulated as a statement of pure and doctrinally recognizable faith is information of sorts, but it is not yet irony.
For that reason, they are associated less with revered predecessors than with the retarded, fundamentalist thinking of political enemies.
Sophisticates of the Cathedral core understand, as Hegel did, that God is no more than deep government apprehended by infants, and as such a waste of faith that bureaucrats could put to better use.
Since the Cathedral has ascended to global supremacy, it no longer has need for Founding Fathers, who awkwardly recall its parochial ancestry, and impede its transnational public relations.
Rather, it seeks perpetual re-invigoration through their denigration. Paleo-puritanism must be derided in order for neo-puritanism to flourish — the meme is dead, long live the meme! If resistance to the War on Christmas is not yet established as the solid center of Yuletide festivities, it can be confidently expected to become so in the future.
The purposes of the Cathedral are served nonetheless, through promotion of a synthetic secularism that separates the progressive faith from its religious foundations, whilst directing attention away from the ethnically specific, dogmatic creedal content at its core.
As reactionaries go, traditional Christians are generally considered to be quite cuddly. Even the most wild-eyed fanatics of the neo-puritan orthodoxy have trouble getting genuinely excited about them although abortion activists get close. For some real red meat, with the nerves exposed and writhing to jolts of hard stimulation, it makes far more sense to turn to another discarded and ceremonially abominated block on the progressive lineage: In the United States and thus, with shrinking time-lag, internationally the icons of the Ku Klux Klan, from white bed-sheets, quasi-Masonic titles, and burning crosses, to lynching ropes, have acquired comparable theatrical value.
Moldbug offers a sanitized white nationalist blog reading list, consisting of writers who — to varying degrees of success — avoid immediate reversion to paleo-fascist self-parody. Before following the Tanstaafl-types into the crushing abyss where light dies, there are some preliminary remarks to make about the white nationalist perspective, and its implications.
Even more than the Christian traditionalists who, even in their cultural mid-winter, can bask in the warmth of supernatural endorsementwhite identity politics considers itself besieged.
Moderate or measured concern offers no equilibrium for those who cross the line, and begin to self-identify in these terms. This theme is so basic, and so multifarious, that it is difficult to adequately address succinctly.
Typically, the prospective annihilation of the white race is attributed to its own systematic vulnerability, whether due to characteristic cultural traits excessive altruism, susceptibility to moral manipulation, excessive hospitality, trust, universal reciprocity, guilt, or individualistic disdain for group identityor more immediate biological factors recessive genes supporting fragile Aryan phenotypes.
It depicts mixture as essentially anti-white. Rather than accumulating genetic variation, a white race is contaminated or polluted by admixtures that compromise its defining negativity — to darken it is to destroy it. The mythological density of these — predominantly subliminal — associations invests white identity politics with a resilience that frustrates enlightened efforts at rationalistic denunciation, whilst contradicting its own paranoid self-representation.
There is no route back to tribal innocence, or flat, biological diversity.
Whiteness has been compacted indissolubly with ideology, whichever the road taken. Blaming them is in effect blaming the victim. Yes, there are some who have taken it so deeply to heart that they work to expand and protect it.
That is its purpose. To control the minds of the people it seeks to destroy. The left, at its root, is all about destruction.Few readers may realize how heavy a toll is taken by suicide during the years of high school, college, and young adulthood. Although suicide is at last being viewed as a public health issue, says psychiatrist and best-selling author Jamison, we are still doing far less than we could to stop this.
Efforts to Christianize the native peoples of North America was an essential part of early Spanish and French colonial efforts. The English, however, had been slower to formalize efforts to spread the faith, but in , the Massachusetts General Court passed a law designed to encourage such activities.
The Enlightenment (also known as the Age of Enlightenment or the Age of Reason) was an intellectual and philosophical movement that dominated the world of ideas in Europe during the 18th century, the "Century of Philosophy".. French historians traditionally place the Enlightenment between (the year that Louis XIV died) and (the beginning of the French Revolution).
The Age of Enlightenment Essay Words 9 Pages The Enlightenment was a period in the eighteenth century where change in philosophy and cultural life took place in Europe.
Harrison's book is a thought-provoking survey of a host of topics that are effectively tied together under the theme of gardens.
I was not prepared for the philosophical focus that Harrison undertakes but, as a lay reader, I always found the discussion understandable and indeed compelling. The Age of Reason, as it was called, was spreading rapidly across benjaminpohle.com the late 17th century, scientists like Isaac Newton and writers like John Locke were challenging the old order.
Newton's laws of gravity and motion described the world in terms of natural laws beyond any spiritual force.